Damien F. Mackey
Whilst my removal of the major Assyrian king, Shalmaneser III, from the mid-C9th BC (where the conventional history has located him) to approximately the mid-C8th BC, may immediately ease the revision’s most troublesome TAP: The Assuruballit Problem, it yet needs to be shown that those dynasts closely connected to Shalmaneser III can also find their suitable places in that entirely different chronological environment.
Despite its benefits, my lowering of Shalmaneser III on the timescale by almost a century cannot be sufficient on its own, considering the biblico-historical synchronisms that are considered to connect this Assyrian king firmly to the mid-C9th BC era of kings Ahab and Jehu of Israel. See e.g. my article:
Black Obelisk Decoded
with its references to other related articles.
No, for this reconstruction to be generally convincing – for it even to be fully convincing to me – the entire dynasty associated with Shalmaneser III must be satisfactorily accommodated in the later era.
Sometimes even properly identifying a complete Assyrian dynasty can be quite a problem given the chaos and uncertainties that surround certain parts of the king lists.
Anyway, the kings upon whom I shall be focussing here will be those two who are thought immediately to have succeeded Shalmaneser III, namely his son, Shamsi-Adad V, and his son, Adad-nirari III.
Also to be taken account of here is the highly important queen, Sammuramat (‘Semiramis’).
The conventional dates for Shalmaneser III and co.
|Shalmaneser III||859–824 BC||“son of Ashur-nasir-pal (II)“|
|Shamshi-Adad V||824–811 BC||“son of Shalmaneser (III)“|
|Shammu-ramat, regent, 811–808 BC|
|Adad-nirari III||811–783 BC||“son of Shamshi-Adad (V)“|
A consideration of Shalmaneser III’s immediate predecessors – also necessary for this revision – must be left until a later effort.
With Shalmaneser III already revised and re-identified with Tiglath-pileser III/Shalmaneser V, of the later C8th BC, the basic plan now, therefore, will be to identify the former’s above-listed successors with the successors of the revised Shalmaneser V.
Shalmaneser III = Shalmaneser V
Shamsi-Adad V = Sargon II (= Sennacherib)
(Sammmuramat = Naqia)
Adad-nirari III = Esarhaddon
Loosening Shalmaneser III’s
ties to C9th BC
Just to recapitulate on what has already been written on this subject:
Ben-Hadad I of Syria and Ahab of Israel have been shown to be seriously in doubt as likely opponents of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III at the Battle of Qarqar (Karkar) in c. 853 BC (conventional dating), as recorded in the Kurkh Monolith.
And king Jehu of Israel has been shown to be a rather poor fit for the Omride king mentioned in Shalmaneser III’s Black Obelisk – this Jehu (c. 841 BC, conventional dating) probably having been chosen as that Omride king for chronological reasons in relation to the presumed activity of Ben-Hadad I and Ahab some dozen or so years earlier.
With these biblico-historical ‘pins’ now greatly loosened, one may consider the merits of prising Shalmaneser III way from his customary era and vastly re-considering his history.
Queen Sammuramat as Queen Naqia
I already had this revision in mind, fusing into one the dynasties of Shalmaneser III and V, when I wrote:
“When Josephus named Nebuchadnezzar as builder of the [hanging] garden, both he and his readers would have been confused between Nineveh and Babylon, and between Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar, because at the time they were reading his account, the Book of Judith was already in circulation”.
Here, then, we have a group of material that indicates attachment of Naqia’s deeds to the name ‘Semiramis’. As second wife of Sennacherib, she bears comparison with the historical Sammu-ramat for having her name on inscriptions written… more
If Queen Sammuramat, the wife of the Assyrian king, Shamsi-Adad V, was the legendary Semiramis, then there must be more to her, and to her husband, than is presently realised.
The ‘Semiramis’ who has come down to us from Greek writer-historians such as Herodotus; Ctesias of Cnidus, and Diodorus of Sicily, appears to be something of a composite figure (see e.g. connection with Alexander below), semi-legendary, but – as we might well expect – having a basis in reality (that is, as said below, a “clear historical figure lies behind [her]”).
This impression is certainly what we gain from reading about the ‘Semiramis’ legend in ed. Lester L. Grabbe’s Like a Bird in a Cage: The Invasion of Sennacherib in 701 BCE, beginning on p. 122:
The Ninus/Semiramis legend was widespread in the Hellenistic Near East but is best attested in the version of Diodorus of Sicily (2.120) writing in the first century BCE. …. Diodorus’s source … is generally thought to be Ctesias of Cnidus …
…. a number of the deeds performed by Semiramis have a close parallel in events in Alexander’s conquests.
…. [Herodotus] … mentions Semiramis in a short paragraph but without presenting her as exceptional. He says that she was a ruler of Babylon and built the dykes to prevent flooding (1.184), but the main work of building the city was done five generations later by Nitocris (1.185). It appears that Herodotus does not know the Semiramis legend or, if he did know it, he has given it no credence, while he does not even mention Ninus. On the other hand, the ‘Nitocris‘ mentioned by him may have a historical basis in a later queen, showing that Herodotus’s information was better than sometimes recognized.
Here is added the note  that “Walter Baumgartner … dismisses Nitocris as merely a reflection of Nebuchadnezzar”, which accords with my view that the ‘queen’ is a composite (of Nebuchednezzar, Alexander, etc.). Most interestingly for this series, and for my hopeful merging of Shamsi-Adad V with Sennacherib, note  refers to the legendary queen’s suggested identification with Naqia (= Zakutu), the wife of Sennacherib:
Other scholars have argued that she is to be identified with one or the other of well-known queens. Hildegard Lewy (‘Nitokris-Naqi’a’, JNES 1 l , pp. 264-86) thought she fits well the activities of Naqia-Zakutu, one of the wives of Sennacherib and the mother of Esarhaddon. She was indeed a remarkable woman about whom we would like to know more ….
And to “know more” of her, and of her contemporary neo-Assyrian kings, though the agency of alter egos, is the very purpose of this series.
The final piece that I shall take is from p. 124 of Like a Bird in a Cage in which the great Ninus, considered by the Greeks to have been the husband of Semiramis, is contrasted with the poorly-known Shamsi-Adad V, husband of Sammuramat:
C.F. Lehmann–Haupt was one of the first to recognize that at the basis of the Semiramis legend was a historical Assyrian queen, Sammuramat the wife of Shamshi-adad V (823—811 BCE). …. Sammuramat seems to have been an unusual person. …. she is mentioned alongside her son [Adad-nirari III] in several inscriptions, which is rather unusual. Although the precise reason for her being remembered is not clear, we have some indications that she was not a run-of-the-mill Assyrian queen.
The situation is different with Ninus, on the other hand, because it is often stated that no clear historical figure lies behind him. Shamshi–adad V, the husband of Sammuramat, was not a particularly distinguished ruler, with only a short rule, and little that one can see of his person in Ninus.
Perhaps “little” by himself, Shamsi-Adad V, but potentially of major significance if he is to be double-teamed with a most powerful alter ego in Sargon II-Sennacherib.
Shamsi-Adad V and
Certain basic patterns of similarity may point to the possibility of filling out the somewhat poorly-known Shamsi-Adad V with a more robust alter ego of Sargon II/Sennacherib.
One may be reluctant to multiply names and identifications for a particular Assyrian king. However, it is a know fact that some of these kings, at least, had more than the one name. Esarhaddon, for instance, when he was named as heir to the throne, would receive a new name from his father Sennacherib. Barbara N. Porter writes of it (Images, Power and Politics, Vol. 208: https://books.google.com.au/books?id=J6toY–R430C&pg=PA17&lpg=PA17&dq=es):
Perhaps it was to pave the way for the unorthodox naming of a younger son as heir that Sennacherib changed Esarhaddon’s name from Esarhaddon (in Akkadian, Aššur-aḫa-iddina, meaning “Aššur has given a brother” a younger brother’s name), to the more impressive name, Aššur-etel-ilāni-mukīn-apli (Aššur, prince of the gods, is establishing an heir), a name that suggests its owner’s status as heir to the throne.
[End of quote]
In the case of Sennacherib himself, whom I have already doubly-identified,
(i) as Sargon II:
and again – in his guise of ruler of Babylon, as (ii) Nebuchednezzar I:
Bringing New Order to Mesopotamian History and Chronology
I am now considering this extra identification of him with Shamsi-Adad V.
Patterns of Comparison
Coming to throne after a revolt (coup against brother)
According to a conventional (date) view of Shamsi-Adad V’s “struggle” for the throne (http://www.bible-history.com/links.php?cat=31&sub=3102&cat_name=People+-+Ancient+Near+East&subcat_name=Shamshi-Adad+V):
The first years of his reign saw a serious struggle for the succession of the aged Shalmaneser. The revolt was led by Shamshi-Adad’s brother Assur-danin-pal, and had broken out already by 826 BC. The rebellious brother, according to Shamshi-Adad’s own inscriptions, succeeded in bringing to his side 27 important cities, including Nineveh.
Similarly, in the case of Sargon II (http://www.ancient.eu/Sargon_II/):
He was not the chosen heir but took the throne from his brother under circumstances which remain unclear. It is likely, however, that he orchestrated a coup after he had grown tired of what he saw as his brother’s inept reign. Like the great Sargon of Akkad (2334-2279 BCE), whom he modeled himself after, his throne name of Sargon means `true king’ which scholars have interpreted as his means of legitimizing himself following the coup. His birth name is unknown as is whatever position he held at court prior to assuming the throne. Although regions of the empire revolted when he took control, and he does not seem to have had the support of the court, Sargon II maintained the policies and strategies initiated by his father, improved the military and economy, and brought the Assyrian Empire to its greatest height politically and militarily. His reign is considered the peak of the Neo-Assyrian Empire.
And compare this again with what we read from Carl Wilhelm Eduard Nagelsbach about Sennacherib, after the supposed death of his ‘father’, Sargon II (The Prophet Isaiah: an Exegetical and Doctrinal Commentary, p. 407):
Then there followed a period of two or three years, filled up with the strifes of various pretenders to the crown, and hence designated by the Canon as καιρός àβiσíλεutoς. Thus it appears by the account of Polyhistor in Eusebius (chron. Armen. ed. Mai, p. 19), that after Sargon’s death [sic], his son and a brother of Sennacherib ascended the Babylonian throne. But after a short term this one was obliged to give place ….
[End of quotes]
We have already read in this series about the striking similarities inviting comparisons between Sammuramat, the wife of Shamsi-Adad V, and Naqia, the wife of Sennacherib. For example:
Here, then, we have a group of material that indicates attachment of Naqia’s deeds to the name ‘Semiramis’. As second wife of Sennacherib, she bears comparison with the historical Sammu-ramat for having her name on inscriptions written during her lifetime, and for supporting publicly first her husband and then her own son, both as kings.
See also my article:
Naqia of Assyria and ‘Semiramis’. Part Two: Naqia attached to Semiramis?
In fact similarities such as these, between the woman as wife, but also her as mother of the son-successor (alternatively, Adad-nirari III and Esarhaddon) were a key factor in encouraging me to attempt this new dynastic alignment of the successors of Shalmaneser III with those of Shalmaneser V – all as constituting the one dynasty.
The Babylonian Contemporary
In the case of Shamsi-Adad V, when he was yet Crown Prince, his Babylonian contemporary and ally was the apparently powerful king, Marduk-zakir-shumi, known as I (http://david-ancienthistory.blogspot.com.au/2015/09/the-9th-century-bc-in-near-east-part-ii.html)
There was a treaty between the Babylonian king, Marduk-zakir-shumi, and Shamshi-Adad but when Marduk-zakir-shumi died the decades-long alliance broke down. Marduk-balassu-iqbi came to the throne and ruled from a city called Dur-Papsukkal (a number of Babylonian dynasties had palaces away from Babylon itself).
Suspiciously, a Marduk-zakir-shumi known as II was the early Babylonian contemporary of Sennacherib. Not much is known about him (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marduk-zakir-shumi_II): “Marduk-zâkir-šumi II was a Babylonian nobleman who served briefly as King of Babylon for a few months in 703 BC, following a revolt against the rule of the Assyrian king Sennacherib”.
I think that it may be safe to say, at this stage, that we are dealing with just the one Babylonian king, Marduk-zakir-shumi.
Like Shamsi-Adad V, now Sargon II, now Sennacherib, would have plenty of trouble with Babylon afterwards.
Although Sennacherib is considered to have reigned somewhat longer than the 17 years generally attributed to Sargon II, we can read in my above article, “Assyrian King Sargon II”, how well the first 17 years of Sargon II’s line up alongside Sennacherib’s records up to his Eighth Campaign (with more to come).
The conventional dates for Shamsi-Adad V, of c. 824-811 BC, fall a little short of Sargon II’s estimated 16-17 years (c. 722-705 BC). However, M. Christine Tetley has, in The Reconstructed Chronology of the Divided Kingdom (p. 170), presented this potentially most significant possibility that Shamsi-Adad V’s reign may need to be extended significantly:
…. Babylonian King List A and Babylonian Chronicle 24 infer that Shamsi-Adad V ruled over Babylonia in a kingless period following the removal of Baba-aha-iddina. The number of kingless years can be read as 12 or 22. Shamsi-Adad went “to Babylon” in the 12th year of his reign, the eponymate of Shamash-kumua, and it seems probable that the kingless years began at this time ….
Now this, I think, is perfect, because it was in Sargon II’s 12th year (same as Shamsi-Adad V) that he finally defeated the troublesome Merodach-baladan of Babylon – this 12th year corresponding also to Sennacherib’s First Campaign, against the very same Merodach-baladan. Moreover, 22 years for Shamsi-Adad V over a “kingless” Babylon would fit very nicely indeed with the approximately 21 years of reign of Nebuchednezzar I (my suggested alter ego for Sargon II/Sennacherib) over Babylon.
Whilst not much is known about the campaigns of Shamsi-Adad V, he did attack the kingdom of Urartu, at the time of a “Sarduri” (http://cof.quantumfuturegroup.org/events/5406):
Sarduri I (c. 832 – 820 BC), son of king Aramu, successfully resisted the Assyrian attacks from the south, led by Shalmaneser III, consolidated the military power of the state and moved the capital to Tushpa (modern Van, on the shore of Lake Van). His son, Ispuini (c. 820 – 800 BC) annexed the neighbouring state of Musasir and made his son Sarduri II viceroy; Musasir later became an important religious center of the Urartian Kingdom. Ispuini was in turn attacked by Shamshi-Adad V.
Now Tiglath-pileser III, with whom I have identified Shalmaneser III, also campaigned against a ‘Sarduri of Urartu’ (https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sarduri-II): “Tiglath-pileser next attacked the Urartian ruler Sarduri II and his neo-Hittite and Aramaean allies, whom he defeated in 743 bc”.
Again Sargon II, just like Shamsi-Adad V, waged war against Urartu and Musasir (http://cof.quantumfuturegroup.org/events/5406): “In 714 BC, the Urartu kingdom suffered heavily from Cimmerian raids and the campaigns of Sargon II. The main temple at Mushashir was sacked, and the Urartian king Rusa I was crushingly defeated by Sargon II at Lake Urmia. He subsequently committed suicide in shame”.
Again like Shamsi-Adad V, who “campaigned against Southern Mesopotamia … and few Aramean tribes settled in Babylonia” (http://www.mesopotamiangods.com/shamshi-adad-v-by-wikapedia/), Sargon II/Sennacherib had severe trouble with this very same unruly sector for much of the reign.
Adad-nirari III and Esarhaddon
Certain basic patterns of similarity may point to the possibility of filling out the Assyrian king Adad-nirari III with the potent Esarhaddon, the son-successor of Sennacherib.
Of benefit towards a revision of history can be standout factors, such as the exceedingly long reign of a Ramses II ‘the Great’, 66-67 years, or the unusual situation of a female pharaoh, Hatshepsut. In the case of neo-Assyrian history, it can be the rare case of an influential queen. And this series has greatly benefitted from the latter, with the notable Queen Sammuramat, wife of Shamsi-Adad V, identified with the unusually prominent Naqia, wife of Sennacherib, being the glue holding together the dynasty of Shalmaneser III with that of Shalmaneser V.
And this composite (as I see it) queen, Sammuramat-Naqia, will continue now, into the reign of her son, to exert a very strong influence.
Patterns of Comparison
Queen virtually ruling Assyria for her son
We read of the extraordinary Sammuramat (and her possibly being equated with ‘Semiramis’) in the following article (the conventional dates being the author’s only, and not mine) (http://www.ancient.eu/article/743/):
Sammu-Ramat and Semiramis: The Inspiration and the Myth
by Joshua J. Mark
published on 16 September 2014
Sammu-Ramat (reigned 811-806 BCE) was the queen regent of the Assyrian Empire who held the throne for her young son Adad Nirari III until he reached maturity. She is also known as Shammuramat, Sammuramat, and, most notably, as Semiramis. This last designation, “Semiramis”, has been the source of considerable controversy for over a century now, as scholars and historians argue over whether Sammu-Ramat was the inspiration for the myths concerning Semiramis, whether Sammu-Ramat even ruled Assyria, and whether Semiramis ever existed as an actual historical personage.
…. The debate has been going on for some time and is not likely to be concluded one way or the other in the near future but, still, it seems possible to suggest the likely possibility that the legends of Semiramis were, in fact, inspired by the reign of queen Sammu-Ramat and have their basis, if not in her actual deeds, then at least in the impression she made upon the people of her time.
Shammu-Ramat was the wife of Shamshi-Adad V (reigned 823-811 BCE) and, when he died, she assumed rule until Adad Nirari III came of age – at which time she passed the throne to him. According to historian Gwendolyn Leick, “This woman achieved remarkable fame and power in her lifetime and beyond. According to contemporary records, she had considerable influence at the Assyrian court” (155). This would explain how she was able to maintain the throne after her husband’s death. Women were not admitted to positions of authority in the Assyrian Empire and to have a woman ruler would have been unthinkable unless that particular woman had enough power to achieve it.
The Historical Reign of Sammu-Ramat
Shamshi-Adad V was the son of King Shalmaneser III and grandson of Ashurnasirpal II. Their successful reigns and military campaigns would have provided Shamshi-Adad V with the stability and resources to begin his own successful reign had it not been for the rebellion of his older brother. Shalmaneser III’s elder son, Ashur-danin-pal, apparently grew tired of waiting for the throne and launched a revolt against Shalmaneser III in 826 BCE. Shamshi-Adad V took his father’s side and crushed the rebellion, but this took him six years to accomplish. By the time Ashur-danin-pal was defeated, much of the resources that Shamshi-Adad V would have had at his disposal were gone, and the Assyrian Empire was weakened and unstable.
It is at this time that Sammu-Ramat appears in the historical record. It is not known what year she married the king but, when her husband died and she took the throne, she was able to provide the nation with the stability it needed. Historians have speculated that, since the times seemed so uncertain to the people of Assyria, the successful reign of a woman would have engendered a kind of awe greater than that of a king because so unprecedented. She was powerful enough to have her own obelisk inscribed and placed in prominence in the city of Ashur. It read:
Stele of Sammuramat, queen of Shamshi-Adad, King of the Universe, King of Assyria, Mother of Adad Nirari, King of the Universe, King of Assyria, Daughter-in-Law of Shalmaneser, King of the Four Regions of the World.
What exactly Sammu-Ramat did during her reign is unknown, but it seems she initiated a number of building projects and may have personally led military campaigns. According to the historian Stephen Bertman, prior to Shamshi-Adad’s death, Sammu-Ramat “took the extraordinary step of accompanying her husband on at least one military campaign, and she is prominently mentioned in royal inscriptions” (102). After his death, she seems to have continued to lead such campaigns herself, although this, like much else in her reign, has been questioned. Whatever she did, it stabilized the empire after the civil war and provided her son with a sizeable and secure nation when he came to the throne. It is known that she defeated the Medes and annexed their territory, may have conquered the Armenians and, according to Herodotus, may have built the embankments at Babylon on the Euphrates River, which were still famous in his time. ….
[End of quote]
Now, already in this series we have learned about compelling links between Sammuramat (perhaps ‘Semiramis’) and Naqia-Zakutu. In the following article we shall read some more about the influence of Naqia-Zakutu, and how she had – just like Sammuramat in the case of the young Adad-nirari III – strongly (even manipulatively?) intervened in Assyrian affairs
by Joshua J. Mark
published on 05 March 2011
Zakutu (c. 701-c.668 BCE) was the Akkadian name of Naqia, a wife of King Sennacherib of Assyria, who reigned between 705-681 BCE. Though she was not Sennacherib’s queen, she bore him a son, Esarhaddon, who would succeed him. She ruled as Queen after her son’s death and was grandmother to his successor, King Ashurbanipal. Writings about Naqia-Zakutu come mainly from the reign of Esarhaddon and give evidence of a strong and clever woman who rose from obscurity to greatness.
Naqia-Zakutu is known to have been associated with Sennacherib as early as 713 BCE when he was the crown prince under Sargon II. [sic] Sennacherib would have at least eleven (possibly more) sons with his wives and, among these, Esarhaddon was the youngest. As Zakutu was considered merely a ‘palace woman’, not a noble woman, the elder brothers seem to have taken little notice of her or her son. Sennacherib’s favorite son and chosen heir, Ashur-nadin-shumi, was appointed ruler of Babylon from which he was kidnapped by the Elamites (Assyria’s enemies) sometime around 695 BCE. He was most likely killed by his captors c. 694 BCE and Sennacherib needed to choose a son to replace him as heir. Sennacherib was busy with military campaigns and then building projects and seems to have taken his time making his decision regarding his successor. It is possible that he was evaluating his sons to see who was most fit to rule after him.
It would have come as an unpleasant surprise to Esarhaddon’s older brothers when, in 683 BCE, Sennacherib chose his youngest son to succeed him. Some scholars maintain that Zakutu’s maneuvering was behind the decision but this has been contested. The brothers took great exception to his choice and, in fear for his life, Zakutu sent Esarhaddon into hiding somewhere in the region formerly known as Mitanni. Two of Sennacherib’s sons assassinated the king in 681 BCE, probably because of his sacrilege in destroying the city of Babylon and carrying off the statue of the great god Marduk, but possibly simply to gain the throne. Esarhaddon was then recalled from exile, probably by Zakutu, defeated his brothers in a six-week civil war, and took the throne. He then had his brother’s families and associates executed.
Zakutu held an impressive place at court during the reign of Esarhaddon, carrying the title of ‘Queen’, drafting letters and receiving dignitaries even though she was not Assyrian (‘Naqia’ being either Aramaean or Hebrew in origin) and had never been queen to [Sennacherib] (though, after Esarhaddon was named successor, she was known as ‘mother of the crown prince’). Letters on important matters were addressed to her as “To the mother of the king, my lord” and began with salutations of, “Greetings to the mother of the king, my lord. May the gods Ashur, Shamash and Marduk keep the king my lord in health. May they decree well-being for the mother of the king my lord” before relating the matter at hand. The historian Wolfram von Soden describes Zakutu’s continued importance at court: “The Syrian-born wife of Sennacherib, Naqiya-Zakutu, still possessed considerable influence during the first years of the reign of her grandson, Ashurbanipal, and was feared by the royal officials” (67).
Either just before, or just after, Esarhaddon’s death in 669 BCE, Zakutu issued the Loyalty Treaty of Naqia-Zakutu in either 670 or 668 BCE to secure Ashurbanipal’s succession, ordering the court and country recognize her grandson as their legitimate ruler. The treaty reads, in part:
Anyone who is in this treaty which Queen Zakutu has concluded with the whole nation concerning her favorite grandson Ashurbanipal shall not revolt against your lord Ashurbanipal, King of Assyria, or in your hearts conceive and put into words an ugly scheme or an evil plot against your lord Ashurbanipal, or plot with another for the murder of your lord Ashurbanipal, King of Assyria. May Ashur, Sin, Shamash and Ishtar bear witness and curse violators of this treaty.
The Treaty clearly identifies Zakutu as Queen at this time and the fact that she could issue such a decree indicates she enjoyed sufficient power and support to be able to ensure the succession of her grandson as king. From a land purchase contract it is known that she had a sister, Abirami, but little other personal details of Zakutu’s life have come to light. Even her birth and death dates are unknown; yet her influence on the reigns of these two great Mesopotamian kings was significant. Exactly how she was able to ascend to her position of power at court may be waiting in future archaeological finds in the region but, at present, it is at least clear she was instrumental in the rise of two of the most important kings of the Neo-Assyrian Empire.
[End of quote]
“The first military campaigns of Esarhaddon were directed against nomadic tribes of southern Mesopotamia, the Dakkuri and Gambulu, who had been harassing the peasants” (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Esarhaddon#Military_campaigns).
Likewise with Adad-nirari III, if Brinkman is correct that one of his eponyms, “to the sea”, in the words of J. Kuan “more plausibly refers to the Sealand of southern Mesopotamia …”.
(Neo-Assyrian Historical Inscriptions and Syria-Palestine, 1995).
William H. Shea has provided the following account of Adad-nirari III’s western campaigning (https://www.ministrymagazine.org/archive/1979/09/biblical-archeology):
For the year equivalent to 806 B.C. (805 in a variant form of the list), Arpad, in northern Syria, is listed, a place name that identifies this campaign as Adad-Nirari’s first in the west. …. An inscription published in 1973 by British Assyriologist A. R. Millard tells us that when Adad-Nirari crossed the upper Euphrates River into Syria, the king of Arpad led a coalition of western kings against him, but was forced to surrender. Millard’s translation of the relevant portion of this broken inscription reads: “I called out my chariotry and infantry and gave the command to march to Haiti-land [Syro-Palestine in general]. I crossed the Euphrates when it was in flood stage, and descended to Paqarhubuna. Atar-shumki, the king of Arpad, and the kings who had rebelled and trusted in their own strength, the fearful splendour of Ashur my Lord overwhelmed … I conquered the land of Hatti in its totality in a single year.”
Another fragmentary inscription tells how Adad-Nirari sacked Arpad after meeting the coalition that he led in the field: “Atar-shumki trusted to his own strength and came forward to battle. I defeated him and took his camp. I took the treasure of his palace. . . . Atarshumki, son of Arame, I deposed from his royal throne. His booty beyond ac count I received …”
In the case of Esarhaddon (Wikipedia again):
The Sidonian king Abdi-Milkutti, who had risen up against the Assyrian king, was defeated in 677 BC and beheaded. The town of Sidon was destroyed and rebuilt as Kar-Ashur-aha-iddina, the “Harbor of Esarhaddon”. The population was deported to Assyria. A share of the plunder went to the loyal king of rival Tyre, Baal I, himself an Assyrian puppet. The partly conserved text of a treaty with Tyre mentions the kings of Judah, Edom, Moab, Gaza, Ashkelon, Ekron, Byblos, Arvad, Samsi-muruna, Ammon, Ashdod, ten kings from the coast of the sea, and ten kings from the middle of the sea (usually identified with Cyprus), as Assyrian allies.
Edom was also common to Adad-nirari III: “… the Assyrians, who under Adadnirari III (811/810–783 bc) overran the eastern part of the country as far as Edom”.
Whilst we found previously that the known two-decade plus reign length of the Assyrian king, Sennacherib, does not square up very well with the shorter span that convention has attributed to Shamsi-Adad V (c. 824-811) – Sennacherib’s alter ego according to this series – there is some evidence to suggest, however, that the reign of Shamsi-Adad V may be in need of extension by about a decade.
Now, the approximately 28 years of reign of Adad-nirari III (c. 811-783 BC, conventional dates) is almost triple that currently available to Esarhaddon (c. 680-669 BC). In a later article I hope to show, though, that the length of reign of Esarhaddon has been seriously underestimated. And this, in turn, ought to enable for a fuller examination of Esarhaddon’s military campaigns, which can then be compared more satisfactorily against those attributed to Adad-nirari III.
Overall I think that (despite its shortcomings) there has emerged in this series sufficient patterns of evidence to suggest the feasibility of my proposed neo-Assyrian revision:
Shalmaneser III = Shalmaneser V
Shamsi-Adad V = Sargon II (= Sennacherib)
(Sammmuramat = Naqia)
Adad-nirari III = Esarhaddon